Sir Ronald Sanders is a business executive and former Caribbean diplomat who publishes widely on small states in the global community. Reponses to: ronaldsanders29@hotmail.com

Rightfully, the editorial surmised that “no more than a one-hour working session” produced “nothing new of significance” in the US-CARICOM relationship.

The agreement “on the importance of the international community remaining engaged in Haiti over the long term, in order to promote stability and socio-economic progress” was the least they could say.

Except for one line, the joint press statement issued at the end of the meeting which was held in the Bahamas, tended to confirm the conclusion of the Nation’s Editorial.

The single sentence that tantalized the reader declared: “They agreed to convene a Conference on the Caribbean at a mutually convenient time in 2007”.

It has to be assumed that this proposed ‘Conference on the Caribbean’ will be a full-blown discussion of the enormous challenges and threats that confront the Caribbean from loss of preferential markets for traditional exports, through decreased aid and investment and the adverse effects of drug trafficking, to the survival of the unique Caribbean culture and identity.

And, if indeed, the Conference on the Caribbean will tackle these issues, it has to be further assumed that other members of the international community with a Caribbean interest such as Britain, France and The Netherlands will be invited to attend as well as the European Union (EU), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB).

Similarly, it is assumed that the Dominican Republic and Haiti will be asked to attend since they are amongst the largest countries in the region.

Predictably, Cuba – which should also be present at such a meeting – will not be invited in keeping with current US policy. But, there is every reason why Canada and Mexico, and now Venezuela and Brazil should be asked to attend.

Canada has traditionally played an important role in development assistance in the Commonwealth Caribbean, and it has strengthened its contribution to the Caribbean by its more recent involvement in Haiti.

Brazil, too is emerging as a significant in the region even though not always with approval. Its challenge at the WTO of EU subsidies to European beet sugar producers precipitated the EU cut in prices to CARICOM sugar producers. At the same time, Brazil has led the UN peace keeping forces in Haiti, and it is a leading voice in negotiations at the WTO, although – again – its agenda for cuts in subsidies and reduction of tariffs is out of sync with the interests of the smaller CARICOM countries which continue to require protections and longer periods of adjustment if their economies are to survive.

And, notwithstanding the stridency in the relationship between the US and Venezuela, the Caribbean should want a senior representative of President Hugo Chavez’s government at the Conference table. The Venezuelan offer of deferred payment for a part of the cost of oil supplies to Caribbean countries is not without significant difficulties to these territories including increase in their already burdensome debt, and these difficulties should be considered in any multilateral conference which is sincerely concerned with the plight of the Caribbean.

Mexico, has tended to view the Caribbean, through the prism of the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) where it secured an advantage over the Caribbean for exports into the US, indeed causing several enterprises in the region to collapse. Its principal interest in the region has been Cuba. But, Mexico remains a big player in the hemisphere, and a more thoughtful focus on the region would be helpful.

If, indeed, it is such a Conference (albeit without Cuba) that the US Secretary of State and CARICOM Foreign Ministers envisaged, then it should be welcomed as long overdue.

One cannot imagine that what the US Secretary of State and CARICOM Foreign Ministers had in mind was strictly a Conference on the Caribbean between themselves. For, if that is the case, what has been the focus of these meetings between Ms Rice and CARICOM Foreign Ministers, three of which have been held since she assumed the office of Secretary of State?

In any event, a bilateral meeting between the US and CARICOM countries could hardly be classified as a “Conference on the Caribbean”, and a US-CARICOM encounter – even if it lasted a day rather than an hour - could not deal with the myriad other conjunctures of the Caribbean with the international community.

Of immediate importance to Caribbean countries is their trade, aid and investment relationship with the EU where they have lost preferential markets for sugar and bananas creating deep anguish over the level and duration of compensation that they require to adjust their economies and find gainful employment for their people.

While the US played a significant role in initiating action at the World Trade Organisation (WTO) which led to the loss of preferential markets in the EU for bananas, and Washington should play an active part in finding a solution to the adverse effect on the region, the EU is also a crucial player.

This same argument holds good for crime and security in the Caribbean.

The rise of drug trafficking from South America through the Caribbean is targeted as much to Europe as it is to the United States. The EU, therefore, has as much interest in addressing this problem as does the United States. The presence of European territories in the Caribbean – the British and Dutch overseas territories and the French Departments – bolster the fundamental importance of the EU’s continued and active participation in contributing to the Caribbean’s struggle with security issues.

And, it should be the Caribbean that takes the lead in preparing the discussion papers for such a Conference. After all, Caribbean countries should best know what their problems are, and they should be in the best position to determine the solutions including what assistance they need from the international community and in which areas.

Amongst these should be: a programme of adjustment for Caribbean economies, including how they will diversify away from traditional agricultural commodity exports which can no longer compete; and a plan for a mutual regional security system with reciprocal obligations that embraces all the players in the Caribbean, including the US, Britain, France and the Netherlands.

If such a Conference will truly be convened in 2007, work on the preparation of its working documents by the Caribbean’s most able people drawn from the universities and the public and private sectors should start now.